Acct. Term Paper

Acct. Term Paper Acct. Term Paper Kelly Okamura U57912123 SM 323 (A4) Core Pre-Assignment Part I Health Consciousness We live in an entirely progressive generation where we are bombarded by a plethora of newly emerging social trends. In fact, it seems that as soon as we are made aware of what is currently â€Å"trending,† a new social trend is discovered. However, what has seemed to steadfastly hold as trends are the fitness and health related ones. A few years ago, Atkins and the South Beach Diet were the most promising diet regimens. Now, we hear the terms â€Å"paleo† and â€Å"raw vegan† being thrown around daily. While these diet regimens have certainly made some headway towards more restrictive and extreme measures, the underlying purpose remains unchanged; that is, Americans who follow these dietary trends do so as a means of weight loss or maintaining a healthy body weight. As of this year, as many as two-thirds of Americans are categorized as overweight, whereby a third are considerably obese. We, as Americans, are becoming increasingly aware of the dangers of ma intaining unhealthy body weights, thereby offsetting a surge of diet regimens, workout routines, and the like; each â€Å"scientifically proven† to restore your health and bring you back to a healthy weight level. For anyone who has gone forth with one of these health trends, they can attest to the fact that it is not, in fact, an easy feat. Had it been so, we would not be faced with this sort of epidemic of American obesity. That being said, weight loss is not something that simply happens at the snap of the fingers or on a whim: more so if our genetics are not wired in such a way. Bearing this in mind, I believe it is safe to conclude that the social trend of health consciousness and diet will remain intact for years to come. Something that many Americans consistently struggle with is the ability to exercise self-control, specifically when it comes to food. We’ve all been there: lurking in front of the snack cabinet, making compromises with ourselves and promis ing that we’ll stop after one cookie. Yet in most cases, stopping after just one morsel is simply wishful thinking. The product that I have thought up for the market for the health conscious is called the Moral Support. In essence, it is a contraption that helps to promote a healthier lifestyle by exercising self-control and portion control for those who need the assistance of an external factor. The Moral Support is a programmable food dispenser, whereby users would put their favorite junk foods in and set a time and day whence the Moral Support will dispense a single serving of the food item. Upon dispensing the snack, the container will lock itself so as to prevent binge eating. It would also have an air tight seal on the lid, which would help keep the food items from being exposed to excessive moisture and becoming stale. Grooming/Hygiene Many of us start our days off by washing our faces as a means to wake up. For those of us who do so, we have all experienced the inevitable annoyance that comes from washing our faces: the trickle of water that streams down our elbows, wetting our shirtsleeves and our countertops. However small this annoyance may be, it is still an undesirable experience the first thing in the morning. It doesn’t make sense, though, to do away with proper hygiene because of this. A product that may appeal to those who run into this problem is some sort of wristband or wrist attachment that catches water right at the bottom of the palm. The market for this is promising, as nearly everyone undertakes this simple act of good hygiene, and this product may also be used for dishwashing. Part II Williams Sonoma Location: 100 Huntington Ave, #9C Boston, MA 02116 Phone: (617) 262-3080 Clerk: Rachel Date: 08/01/2013 Many of the clerks at Williams Sonoma were stuck in the same conundrum, after I had approached them with this pre-assignment: most clerks were used to being asked very

Morin Surname Meaning and Family History

Morin Surname Meaning and Family History The Morin surname derives from the Old French morin, a diminutive of the name More, meaning dark and swarthy [as a moor]. It may also have originated as a topographical surname for one who lived on or near a moor. The Morin surname could also possibly originate as an adaptation of Irish surnames such as OMorahan and OMoran, or as a patronymic surname meaning the son of Maurice. Surname Origin: French Alternate Surname Spellings:  MOREN, MORRIN, MORREN, MORINI, MORAN, OMORAN, MURRAN, MORO Famous People with the Morin Surname Jean-Baptiste Morin  -  French  mathematician,  astrologer, and  astronomer.Jean-Baptiste Morin - French composerArthur Morin  -  French physicistJames C. Morin  -  American Pulitzer Prize-winning editorial cartoonistRenà © Morin  - head of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation during World War IIJean Morin - French Baroque artistLee Morin - American astronaut Where is the Mori Surname Most Common? The Morin surname, according to surname distribution information from Forebears, is the 3,333rd most common surname in the world. It is most commonly found today in Canada, where it ranks as the 24th most common surname in the country. It is also very prevalent in France (ranked 47th) and the Seychelles (97th). WorldNames PublicProfiler indicates the Morin surname is most common in France- particularly in the regions of Poitou-Charentes, Basse-Normandie, Bretagne, Haute-Normandie, Centre, Pays-de-la-Loire, and Bourgogne. It is also fairly prevalent in Canada, particularly in the Northwest Territories, as well as Maine and New Hampshire in the United States. Genealogy Resources for the Surname Morin Morin Family Crest - Its Not What You ThinkContrary to what you may hear, there is no such thing as a Morin family crest or coat of arms for the Morin surname.  Coats of arms are granted to individuals, not families, and may rightfully be used only by the uninterrupted male-line descendants of the person to whom the coat of arms was originally granted. MORIN Family Genealogy ForumThis free message board is focused on descendants of Morin ancestors around the world. Search the forum for posts about your Morin ancestors, or join the forum and post your own queries.   FamilySearch - MORIN GenealogyExplore over 2.4 million  results from digitized  historical records and lineage-linked family trees related to the Morin surname on this free website hosted by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. MORIN Surname Mailing ListFree mailing list for researchers of the Morin surname and its variations includes subscription details and a searchable archives of past messages. GeneaNet - Morin RecordsGeneaNet includes archival records, family trees, and other resources for individuals with the Morin surname, with a concentration on records and families from France and other European countries. The Morin Genealogy and Family Tree PageBrowse genealogy records and links to genealogical and historical records for individuals with the Morin surname from the website of Genealogy Today. Genealogy of Canada: Morin Family TreeA collection of links and information for Morin ancestors shared by researchers. Ancestry.com: Morin SurnameExplore over 1.2 million digitized records and database entries, including census records, passenger lists, military records, land deeds, probates, wills and other records for the Morin surname on the subscription-based website, Ancestry.com References: Surname Meanings Origins Cottle, Basil.  Penguin Dictionary of Surnames. Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1967. Dorward, David.  Scottish Surnames. Collins Celtic (Pocket edition), 1998. Fucilla, Joseph.  Our Italian Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 2003. Hanks, Patrick and Flavia Hodges.  A Dictionary of Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1989. Hanks, Patrick.  Dictionary of American Family Names. Oxford University Press, 2003. Reaney, P.H.  A Dictionary of English Surnames. Oxford University Press, 1997. Smith, Elsdon C.  American Surnames. Genealogical Publishing Company, 1997.

Creative writing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Creative writing - Essay Example The Introduction of the essay appropriately identifies the features and elements of the disease in question, GSD. The authors of the article appropriately establish the role of the disease in the context of the community and society at hand. The sociological and biological elements of the disease is discussed thoroughly and three important variables are introduced: These issues are discussed critically and appropriately through the evaluation of existing data and other scientific journals. This is authoritative because the utilisation of secondary sources build on credible and established sources and it is applied appropriately to provide important guidance to an existing research (MacFarlene, et al., 2014). The critical review of concepts and theories in the introduction give way for the formulation of a hypothesis. A hypothesis is a tentative statement that is tested for its truthfulness and falsity in a research (Lam, 2013). In this paper, the writer seem to make a very vague statement which does not seem to provide a very strong hypothesis that can be used as a basis for proper theorisation. It states that â€Å"There will be a significant association between selected demographic variables and risk factors of cholilithiasis†. In symbol terms the study is to evaluate the relationship between demographic variables and risks of GSD. The independent variables are the demographic variables whilst the dependent variables are risks of GSD. However, they are not clearly defined and aligned appropriately showing some tendencies of randomness and arbitrariness in the eventual conclusion. The study utilises a cross-sectional study method. A cross-sectional study is a descriptive study in which disease and exposure statuses are measured simultaneously in a given population (Kern, et al., 2013). This comes with some inherent

Fallow the instrcsion Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Fallow the instrcsion - Case Study Example Based on the results of the ratio analysis, Seward Inc. is a weak player in the international trade finance market due to the loss made from its trading activities. After having realized net sales of $ 4, 500, Seward Inc. made a net income of $ 315 despite the $ 1,700 gross profit realized before deducting corresponding expenses. Unfortunately, net income is prone to criticism from managers as it increases from earnings gained from discontinued operations. Investors ought to focus on measures such as cash flows, sales, or profits before considering interests and taxes. Efficiency in a company operation prevails through total asset turnover, fixed asset turnover, and equity turnover. Total Asset Turnover is a ratio used to measure the ability of a business to generate sales given its sales in total assets. The rate tends to be lower in capital-intensive businesses compared to non-capital-intensive businesses. A firm is said to be efficient if it meets a total asset turnover of 1 and above. Having a Total asset turnover of 1.6, Seward Inc is a profitable company. On the other hand, liquidity is the ability of a business to cater adequately for its financial obligations upon the occurrence. Current ratio is the best liquidity determinant followed by acid ratio. The industry recommends a current ratio of 1 and above. The rate increases with the financial position of the company. Seward Inc. is in sound financial position as the current ratio of three indicates that it can pay its short-term obligations. Damodaran (2012) acknowledges operating leverage as a change indicator in operating income caused by a change in sale. Leverage ratio is any rate used in calculatin g the company financial leverage to know how it can meet its financial obligations. An operating profit margin 8.0 percent indicates better performance of the firm. Seward Inc. is capable of meeting its short-time obligations due to its current ratio of 3.0 and Acid 1.5. The rates

Leadership Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 12

Leadership - Essay Example In the film Dead Poet’s Society, by Peter Weir, Mr. Keating, is an English teacher at an old preparatory school, who steers his students to greater heights, by teaching his students, through experience, how to think critically. Dead Poet’s Society features a leader, Mr. Keating, an English teacher, who is very disturbing, but at the same time curiously inspiring. Mr. Keating steers his students to love learning and poetry, completely changing their controlled and structured academic existence. He crosses boundaries that should otherwise not be crossed by someone traditionally demanding of respect and authority. He arrives at Hillside Academy, a preparatory school for old boys, to start working as an English teacher. He is an inspirational and involved teacher, who uses declarations, "Carp Per Diem† to conquer the day. Among others, he quotes Whitman Walt and relates his overall theme of rising above mediocrity and convention, to these literary passages. He encourages his students to approach learning through a more intuitive and deeper understanding of life from literature, as opposed to rote memorization and structure. Mr. Keating illustrates two different methods of leadership. It displays individual reactions to each other, and the consequences of these leadership methods. The leadership approach of Mr. Keating’s creates a strong student- teacher bond thus empowering them to be successful. In his classroom, students have no other choice than to think for themselves. Keating’s actions and words strengthen his personal connection to his students as well as a sense of trust. Trust goes a long way in creating respect, concern, fairness and understanding. However, he at times sets up himself as the only one who can lead students to this greater understanding, but his motivation is wholly admirable. This attempt, unconscious about his part, paradoxically creates a similar situation that

Sorry for the loss Essay Example for Free

Sorry for the loss Essay While a butterfly is free to spread its beautiful wings, many people suffer in captivity, and can only dream about the world outside. The yearning for freedom is depicted in Bridget Keehan’s short story; ‘Sorry for the Loss’ from 2008, where we meet the chaplain Evie and the young criminal Victor. The story begins when Evie has to tell Victor that his Nan is dead, but the situation turns out different than expected. Evie is a chaplain who has worked in the prison for over a year (p. 1 l. 18), but she doesn’t really like being there. The atmosphere in the prison intimidates her and she feels uncomfortable being there because of all the noises. That’s why she treasures whenever the prisoners are out, and she has some quiet time on her own. She is very religious and she likes to use her quiet time to meditate and pray (p. 2, l. 32). She is a good girl who behaves properly and follows the Bible. Even though the prisoners have done bad things, she is kind to everyone, and tries to understand how the prisoners feel. She even tries to imagine Jesus as being one of the prisoners (p. 2, l.  40), and this just shows that she is very good at putting herself in other people’s shoes. In the prison she also helps to run the Enhanced Thinking Skills (p. 3, l. 91). She is a kind, genuine person, and she is very nervous when she has to tell Victor that his Nan is dead, because she is scared that he’ll get upset (p. 2, l. 55). Evie is fragile, but she is also a very loving and caring person, and as soon as she sees the young Victor, she imagines him being her son (p. 3, l. 75). Victor is very young, so her loving heart immediately feels sorry for him. Victor is described as a young, good-looking boy (p. 3, l. 75). He has olive skin, sparkling eyes and a big, white smile with a glint of gold filling (p. 4, l. 136). He is a catholic, but he’s not very practicing. Instead he likes to explore new things and religions. He has been in prison for five years (p. 3, l. 78), but although he has been there for a long time, he is different than the other prisoners. He has a more of a kind look to him, and he certainly doesn’t look like a boy who would hurt, let alone, kill someone. While the other prisoners’ cells are filled with family photographs or pictures of women, Victor’s cell is completely empty (p. 4, l. 114). He seems quite immature, but even though he seems young and not clever, he has spent a lot of his time in prison studying; ‘Yeah I know ETS. Done it in my last nick’ (p. 3, l. 90). He is also a part of the book club, and he even refers to the tragedy; ‘King Lear’ by Shakespeare when he talks to Evie. Though, he has a quite interesting interpretation of the Shakespeare tragedy, because he imagines Cordelia as being a stoned pot-head (p.  3, l. 110). He seems like a very kindhearted person, and he behaves well when Evie visits him. He shows emotions for the pigeons outside his window, but he doesn’t seem to care about his Nan’s death, and this is the first sign, the reader gets, which shows that the genuine Victor may not be as genuine after all. The story is told by a 3. person omniscient nar rator, but we hear the story from Evie’s point of view. Her thoughts are often described; ‘Eve considers, it’s a wonder the thick stone walls that separate this world from the one outside contain the noise’ (p. 1, l.  28), so it’s almost like the story is told by Evie herself. The narrator doesn’t comment upon the text, which also makes it feel like we hear the story through Evie and her thoughts. There is a great use of figurative langue, which makes the text come alive, since the narrator uses sentences such as; ‘Bellowed from the testosterone voices that have been trained like tenors to reach the gods’ (p. 1, l. 23) and; ‘The office, bulkily built like a ruby player’ (p. 2, l. 62). The characters, especially Victor, are also described very detailed, which makes the reader feel like we almost know the characters in person. Through the narrative technique we get an idea of who the characters are. For example through the use of direct speech – this shows how some of the characters are well-educated, while others aren’t. Evie, for example, has correct grammar when she speaks, which indicates that she is well-educated. Victor, on the other hand, has bad grammar; ’No I’m safe ta, would you? ’ (p. 3, l. 93), ‘Done it in my last nick’. (p. 3, l. 91) and; ‘but that’s evil innit? ’ (p. 4, l. 132), so it’s obvious that he spend most of his life in prison instead of attending school. The narrator also uses symbols in the story. One of the symbols is the pigeons that live close to Victor’s window. A pigeon is a bird and a symbol of freedom, but in the story, Victor’s ‘neighbor’ treats the pigeons very badly. ‘.. he feeds the pigeons crumbs so they get to trust him, then he catches one and traps it’ (p. 4,l. 128). This shows the fragility of freedom, and the prisoners know, more than anyone, that freedom can be taken away from you in the blink of an eye. The window is also used as a symbol for the prisoners’ dream about freedom, because when they look outside the window they see; ‘‘a slice of road leading out of town’ (p.  2, l. 53). A window is an object which allows you to look outside and see different parts of the world, and that’s exactly what the prisoners do – they look outside and dream about a life on the other side of the bars. One of the main symbols, though, is the butterfly knife. The butterfly knife symbolizes Vict or, and it shows how beauty can hide something cruel. What you thought was pretty and genuine may end up causing great damage. That is what the whole story is about, and that is exactly what the butterfly knife symbolizes. The author Bridget Keehan has used many contrasts in her short story. One of the main contrasts is the contrast between the prisoners and the life outside the prison. The prisoners are trapped in the prison and they have no freedom. That’s why the prisoners always stand by the big window where they can have a view on the world outside. The contrast between free and captured is also shown through the office workers on the street. When the prisoners look outside the window, they can see the office workers on their way to work. The office workers are free men who have jobs and lives, while the prisoners don’t really have any purposes in their lives, since they are trapped behind the bars. The prisoners can only look at the office workers with envious eyes (p. 2, l. 50). The outside vs. inside world is also depicted, since the prison is described as something non-beautiful; ‘.. with its banging of gates and scraping of keys in locks and the clatter of each prisoner’s metal food tray’ (p. 1, l. 22), while nature outside is describe as beautiful; ‘It’s a bright, blue-sky day, and as the sun streams in from the large solitary window and warms her face’ (p. 2, l. 35). Another contrast is between Evie and the environment of the prison. Evie is very religious, and she follows the rules. She is a good girl and has never tried heroin (p. 2, l. 38), or done anything bad. Evie is described as a very fragile and feminine person, which is completely opposite to the prison’s harsh environment. The prison is described as something that’s very loud and cold, and it is surrounded by thick stone walls. Besides that, the prison is full of big men and ‘testosterone voices’ (p. 1, l. 25), so Evie’s gentle and feminine character doesn’t really fit in. Evie is also a contrast to the prisoners, since Evie follow God’s rules, while many of the prisoners have committed murder or rape etc. which is completely against the catholic believes. One of the most special contrasts in the story is Victor. Victor is a contrast himself, because his outer beauty camouflages his inner murderer. In the beginning, the reader almost feels sorry for Victor, because he seems so genuine, but once the officer tells Evie that Victor is a murderer, we realize that it’s just a facade. Victor is a contrast, because he is both good and bad, and that’s why the butterfly knife symbolizes him – it looks beautiful and harmless, but it can cause extreme damages. The main theme in this short story is the yearning for freedom, but the text also depicts the question about trust and sincerity. It puts focus on the fact that everyone has their own secrets, whether it shows or not. The text is quite relevant today, because we live in a world full of crime, and the prisons are filled with people who have done something bad. It makes us wonder – do we take freedom for granted? Bridget Keehan’s; ‘Sorry for the Loss’ tells a fascinating story about the meeting between freedom and captivity, and with her use of symbols and contrasts, she makes it clear that even beautiful things have dark sides.

The Rwandan Genocide: Overview

The Rwandan Genocide: Overview During the Rwandan genocide in 1994 about one million Tutsi and Hutu opposition members were slaughtered by the extremist Hutu government the Hutu, the majority ethnic group in Rwanda. Their aim was to exterminate the Tutsi, the minority ethnic group which comprised of only about 25% of the population. In order to discuss the source of the Rwandan genocide it is important to analyse the nature of the concept so that it can be applied with the aim of establishing why the genocide took place when it did and whether an ancient ethnic hatred was the origin of the Rwandan genocide. Genocide is an essentially contested concept that is hard to define. Horowitz states that is empirically ubiquitous and politically troublesome, because there are both limited and extensive classifications of the term.  [1]  The narrow interpretation of genocide states that genocide is almost always a premeditated act calculated to achieve the end of its perpetrators through mass murder.  [2]  Horowitz detects that a core principle is that genocide must be conducted with the approval of, if not direct intervention by the state apparatus as part of a political policy.  [3]  Chalk and Jonassohn go on to say that genocide is one-sided mass killing. They point out that one-sided mass killing is also essential in order to exclude from the analys[is] the casualties of war.  [4]  The broader definition of genocide according to Chalk and Jonassohn can also include the destruction of a culture without an attempt to physically destroy its bearers, which suggests that genocide i s a more common occurrence.  [5]  Consistent with this broad definition, the United Nations Convention on Genocide defined genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, such as: killing member of the group. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; deliberately inflicting on a group conditions of life calculated to being about physical destruction in whole or in part; imposing measure intended to prevent births within a group; forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.  [6]  The expansiveness of the UNs definition is itself a function of the ambiguity associated with the operationalisation of this term in the international policy field. A key feature of the definitions of genocide is the decisive role the state plays in marginalizing and exterminating an ethnic, racial or religious group. For the purpose of this essay, the narrow definition i.e. one sided mass killing in which a state or other authority intends to destroy a group, will be used.  [7]  This essay argues that the Rwandan genocide was caused by a combination of political, social, economic and international factors and not solely the result of ancient ethnic hatred. It supports the views of Totten, Parsons and Charny who argue that contrary to the image conveyed by the media, there is nothing in the historical record to suggest a kind of tribal meltdown rooted in deep seated antagonisms, or longstanding atavistic hatreds.  [8]  While ethnic tensions contributed to the injustices administered to the minority groups in this devastating event, to reduce the cause of the genocide to ancient ethnic rivalry is simplistic given the historical and contem porary evidence on the subject. Historical events such as colonialism and the civil war created long lasting ethnic tensions. The conflict may not have followed had political and socio-economic circumstances not been exacerbated through the use of propaganda and the ethnic rivalry concocted during colonialism. Ethnic tensions were clearly rooted in colonialism. According to Horowitz One of the fundamental characteristics of nineteenth century European imperialism was its systematic destruction of communities outside the mother country.  [9]  Rwanda had been a German and Belgium colony. The Germans saw the Tutsi as the more superior race, different from the majority of common and savage negroes, because their physical features when compared to the Hutus appeared to bear more resemblance to European features, therefore they were born rulers.  [10]  As a result they were educated and given jobs in the military and public administration while the Hutus were relegated to menial tasks. This created resentment towards the Tutsis among the Hutu which was further exacerbated when Rwanda became a Belgian colony. Under Belgian imperial rule the Tutsis and Hutus were all given identity cards indicating which ethnic group they belonged to. The strict classification system further heightened the distinction between the two groups and the construction of these separate identities in conjunction with propaganda methods became a main part in inciting ethnic hatred. Mamdani observes that these identities were the fault lines along which political violence exploded. The violence started with colonial pacification which took on genocidal proportions.  [11]  This also supports the claim that the Rwandan genocide was partly rooted in colonialism. The combination of resentment and the segregation between Tutsi and Hutu contributed significantly to the ethnic tension that existed during the Hutu governments rule. However the development of ethnic tension during the colonial years did not necessarily have to lead to genocide. In addition to the ethic divisions created during colonialism, propaganda in the post-independence period further aggravated ethnic tensions. The Tutsi were portrayed as foreigners in Rwanda by the Hutu government through a successful propaganda campaign. Melvern explains that according to the Hutu the Tutsi were proud, arrogant, tricky and untrustworthy, describing them as aliens, and cockroaches.  [12]  The Hutu regime created a stereotype using specific language on national radio broadcasts (e.g. Radio Tà ©là ©vision Libre des Mille Collines) and in printed media which the Hutu extremists used to incite ethnic hatred. Totten, Parsons and Charny note that through the use of language the enemy was demonised, [and] made the incarnation of evil, which dehumanised the Tutsi and contributed to the willingness of numerous Hutus to participate in genocide.  [13]  In direct contrast with the Tutsi the Hutu people were depicted as modest, honest, loyal, independent and impulsive.à ‚  [14]  In doing this the Hutu government created collective memories from colonialism that historically the Hutu had always been enslaved and mistreated by the Tutsi and their foreign allies. This validated the Hutu extremist policies and violence but also created resentment which was intended to fuel the already festering hatred. Again, we see that as in the colonial era, the political system and the ideology on which it is based contributed significantly to conflict in the society. Though ethnic tensions existed, these influences contributed to climax of ethnic hatred in 1994. The portrayal of Tutsi people as outsiders was restricted to the 1990s and was based on political manipulation showing that the tension was not based on ancient Rwandan history but instead it had been stage-managed. Exaggerating the differences between the Hutu and the Tutsi through political propaganda can be viewed as part of the reason why the genocide took place in 1994 and not before. It is therefore apparent that the Rwandan genocide was not mainly caused by ancient ethnic hatred but instead by the aim to amplify ethnic tension during the 1990s. It is worth noting that the Tutsi and Hutu had coexisted peacefully for years despite having had a historical background rife with ethnic tension. Mills and Brunner maintain that for centuries they have spoken the same language, lived on the same hillsides, and intermarried to such an extent that the physical characteristics stereotypically attributed to each tall, thin, lighter skinned for the Tutsi; short, stocky and darker skinned for the Hutu are often blurred.  [15]  This shows that the Rwanda genocide was not caused but ethnic hatred as there would need to be evidence of serious ethnic disputes prior to 1994. Also because the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups were intertwined one has to question whether ethnicity was the only grounds for extermination. The Hutu government emphasised ethnicity. However opposition to the Hutu extremist government and Tutsi sympathisers were also massacred along with the Tutsi. The division is debatably not in fact ethnic although that is how it w as portrayed. Rather it is more likely to have been based on class and occupational lines as this was the case before colonisation. This reveals that there must have been another explanation for the genocide other than ethnic hatred. The true motivation behind the Rwanda genocide was in fact fear. One of the reasons why genocide took place when it did is because the Hutu government feared a Tutsi invasion from neighbouring Burundi and Uganda. Shelton agrees with this argument pointing out that the Hutu government called for the extermination of the Tutsi fearing the loss of its power in the face of a democracy movement and a civil war.  [16]  The RPF (Rwanda Patriotic Front) consisted of Tutsi refugees in exile that had formed in Uganda following the expulsion of thousands of Tutsi in 1959 in opposition to the Hutu extremist government. Since the October 1990 invasion by the RPF into Rwanda the Hutu extremists feared another attack and as a result their ethnic policies became more extreme. The Hutu extremists saw the Tutsi in Rwanda as an internal threat which they associated with an external enemy, the RPF. The Hutu government nationalised the fear of this internal threat by instilling it in the Hutu populat ion using propaganda. Uvins view supports this position stating that they successfully sought to spread ethnic fear throughout society, to organise and legitimise the forces of violence and genocide and to desensitise people to violence.  [17]  In the context of civil war although ethnic tensions are central to the conflict it is clear that the origins of the Rwandan genocides does not lie in ancient ethnic hatred but extensively in fear. This fear was intended to mobilise the masses and it can therefore be said that the spread of fear among the population was an important cause of the Rwandan genocide because it put pressure severe pressure on ethnic divides. Ethnicity was allegedly what the Hutu government claimed to be the basis of their aim to create a truly Rwandan state where Rwanda belonged to the Hutu.  [18]  In order to achieve this state a social revolution, was necessary which involved purging the state of outsiders, the Tutsi  [19]  . The Tutsi were seen as being ancestrally from North Africa and on this basis they were to be excluded from the creation of a true Rwandan state. It was this exclusion as well as the fear of Tutsi rule that motivated the extremist Hutu government and their radical propaganda policy. Melvern observes that when the first political parties were formed, they were created along strict ethnic lines, in line with ideological principles.  [20]  This development of ideology adds to this set of ideas that can be used for both internal and external legitimisation, which with the support of the church as well as the international community further justified the Hutu governments actions despite the radical nature of their policies  [21]  . It is clear that when examining the Hutu government their policies on ethnic hatred were not entirely based on an ancient feud as ethnic distinctions did not exist in early Rwandan history, but instead were largely embedded in extreme ideology that ironically this did not represent the majority Hutu opinion. Instead the combination of fear and the aim to create the ideal Hutu state escalated ethnic hatred. As well as the civil war other significant events widened the divide between the Tutsi and the Hutu. Rwanda was a recently independent fragile state and domestic affairs were put under pressure by the 1990 rural crisis which damaged the agriculturally based Rwandan economy. Uvin highlights that this decline is a result of a combination of factors, conjunctural and structural: a set of drought s in the middle of the late 1980s; the effects of erosion, land degradation and poverty.  [22]  Additionally the dramatic fall in the price of coffee, a major export intensified the pressure on the Hutu government because it greatly reduced the earnings of the Rwandan state.  [23]  As a result of this the Rwandan government had to ask the IMF for a state loan which increased the pressure the Rwandan government experienced in a rapidly declining economy. The Hutu extremist government were able to use this as part of the propaganda ploy to blame the Tutsi and label them economic exploiters , thus further contributing to ethnic resentment and hatred. These internal pressures show how the creation of ethnic hatred was a multifaceted strategy and not solely the result of ancient tensions. The Rwandan genocide was also caused by the build up of ethnic hatred in the context of civil war. The assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana was a turning point in that it served as the spark that set the plans for genocide in motion.  [24]  The Hutu government used this event to propel the masses into action. They accused the Tutsi RPF of assassinating the president because he resisted signing the Arusha Accord, the Rwandan peace agreement. Although this event triggered the genocide it was far from being a spontaneous popular uprising.  [25]  According to Shelton the 1994 genocide had been carefully planned and coordinated by a small group of government and military officials who used the administrative structure and coercive force of the state to invigorate the genocide and extend it across the country.  [26]  This highlights the fact that the origin of the Rwandan genocide was not merely rooted in ancient hatred but was made possible by contemporary government policies which resurrected and reconstructed old ethnic tensions. In conclusion it is clear that from the arguments set forth, the Rwandan genocide was not merely caused by ancient ethnic hatred but instead was caused by an amalgamation of events and policies. The propaganda used to incite fear was instrumental in creating an environment that turned the Hutu and Tutsi against each other, thus allowing the 1994 Rwanda genocide to take place. Mamdani supports this view and comments that Violence has been motivated by a mutual fear of victimhood.  [27]  The complex combination of imperial ethnic division aggravated by propaganda in the context of a civil war and RPF threat as well as economic pressure all came together to create a society and environment that allowed for and committed genocide. Mills and Brunner explain that there is no such thing as a simple tribal meltdown not anywhere, and that the view that the Rwandan genocide was prompted by ancient ethnic hatred does not explain why it took place when it did.  [28]  Although ethnicity w as an important contributing component of the Rwandan genocide it was not the only definitive factor. It is therefore a limited view to claim that the Rwanda genocide was rooted in ancient ethnic hatred when it is clear that the issues involved were significantly more complicated.